George Galloway - Maverick Politician - Interview March 2003

George Galloway leans back in his comfortable contemporary reclining chair, toys with a button on his expensive outfit and gazes contentedly through the glass windows of his luxurious third floor Parliamentary office, as he prepares to be interviewed. This debonair politician, with the looks of an ageing moustachioed matinee idol, is in surprisingly ebullient mood considering that he is under investigation by the Labour hierarchy for his comments about Messrs Blair and Bush being "wolves" for attacking Iraq, whilst at the same time he is fending off accusations from a national newspaper that he is in the pay of the Iraqi regime.

The controversial views espoused by the MP for Glasgow Kelvin have made him not so much a thorn, as an unexploded cluster bomb in the side of the Parliamentary Labour Party ever since he became an MP 16 years ago. He makes no apologies for the views he gave on Abu Dhabi television regarding the Prime Minister and the American President. "The only regret is the insult implied to the noble wolf," he said, "which is an animal which does not deserve such a comparison."

Although small in stature Galloway exudes passion and fervour. With a greying moustache, which slightly protrudes over his thin lip and receding bouffant, he is a cross between Charlie Chaplin and Arthur Scargill with oodles of charisma thrown in.

His zeal for oratory is evident when he vents his anger against the Daily Telegraph's allegations that he received millions of dollars from the Iraqi regime. He lambasted these charges as "a pile of black propaganda” and "intelligence hocus-pocus based" on forgeries. "I am suing the Daily Telegraph and others for the publication of allegations that I received $15 million from the Iraqi regime by Saddam Hussein and his two sons," he said as his cheeks reddened, visible even under a deep suntan – the result of a recent stay in his Algarve villa.

"This campaign will be fought through the legal system to the end. I hope and believe that those responsible for the publishing of these lies of fantastic proportion will be severely punished." In the middle of his Churchillian defiance he unexpectedly pulls out from the breast pocket of his Saville Row battle dress brown rosary beads - a symbol of his strong catholic heritage - where he proceeds to adroitly shift the beads from one expensively manicured hand to the next as he holds forth on the evils of the press.

Galloway was born on August 16 1954 to a family of socialists of Irish descent, in a working-class neighbourhood of Dundee. Galloway fondly reminisces about his formative years which sounds like a tale of working class penury. “I lived my first three years in an attic in a slum tenement in the Irish quarter of Dundee which was known as Tipperary." He pointed earnestly to a notice board behind him. Pinned on it was a black and white grainy picture of him as an infant in a loft (thankfully without his trademark bristles).

His father, who was a member of the Labour Party and a Trade Union official, was a significant political influence on him, along with his grandfather who was an active communist. "It never occurred to me," he said, "that I would do anything other than have a political life."

This may explain his determination to rise quickly within the Scottish Labour movement. He joined the Young Socialists as a 13-year-old and became the youngest chairperson of the Scottish Labour Party at 26 and where he proceeded to be one of the youngest Scottish MPs at 32, beating the late Roy Jenkins of the SDP for the Glasgow Hillhead seat.

Reflecting on his early success, he said: "I am certainly driven and determined but I am not at all politically ambitious," he said. “If I was I would have definitely taken a different path and if I had done so I had would have been way up the greasy pole." Taking a phrase used in boxing parlance - a sport that Galloway follows religiously - he says: "I could of been a contender, but I refuse to compromise unlike the people who used to sit at Tony Benn's feet who now sit at the feet of the Prime Minister with exactly the same stars in their eyes."

A man who confesses to be a Marxist and mourns the collapse of communism is at odds with the media portrayal of him as a dandy who covets Italian suits, enjoys fast cars and puffs on expensive Cuban cigars. This has earned him the sobriquets of "Gorgeous George" and the "Bollinger Bolshevik". The former was chiefly attained after admitting to having a fling with at least two women at a conference in Greece.

A look of genuine exasperation spreads across his face. "This accusation is not so much unfair as quite ludicrous." He begins to run through the list of items he possesses. "I have a third hand motor that I brought for £17,000 which has done 100,000 miles which some have describe as some stretch limousine. I have never owned a pair of Gucci shoes or a Versaci suit and I never owned any of the paraphernalia of wealth I have read about in the gutter press." As to the ‘Gorgeous George’ tag,” he says with a smug, “it could have been worse, I could have been called ‘Ugly George’.”

Financial indiscretions have also attached themselves to the career of the maverick MP. They include accusations of lavish expenses while working for the charity War on Want plus misusing the funds from the Mariam Hamza Appeal, a charity founded by Galloway in 1998 to raise funds to treat a sick Iraqi girl. Galloway regards these rumours about his personal finances as poison spread by his critics. “My enemies need to have weapons with which to attack me and accusing me of financial irregularities in the projects I head is an obvious one,” he says.

Galloway’s passion for the Middle East began in 1974 with a chance encounter with a young Palestinian. At a time the young Scot was the organiser of the Dundee Labour party. The Palestinian student came to his office and spoke eloquently about the plight of his people. Galloway was immediately hooked. He soon visited a Palestinian refugee camp and twinned Dundee with the West Bank town of Nablus, flying the Palestinian flag over Dundee town hall.

In the 1990s he became less involved in the Palestinian cause and switched his attention to Iraq, becoming a fierce opponent against Iraqi sanctions. In 1994 he was vilified after gushingly praising Saddam Hussein for his 'indefatigability'. He concedes now that he could have handled the situation better. "I was not praising Saddam Hussein I was praising the Iraqi people," he said, taking a defensive posture on his recliner. "I wish I was bloody struck down with laryngitis that day," he confesses.

The MP for 'Baghdad Central', as he is jokingly referred to by his Westminster colleagues, denies he is an apologist for the Iraqi regime. Taking a deliberate swipe at the Prime Minister he says: "As long ago as the 1970s I was a founder member of the campaign against repression and for democratic rights for Iraq when Tony Blair was strutting the boards with his rock group 'Ugly Rumours' at Oxford University. I was the one demonstrating outside the Iraqi embassy in London for human rights, while inside British Ministers was selling guns and gas."

Under threat of expulsion and de-selection as an MP, Galloway still retains a steely determination. “It is my intention to seek the nomination for the new Glasgow Central seat, when my seat disappears,” he said. “It is my very firm belief that if the members of the Labour Party of Glasgow Central are allowed to freely choose their candidate they will select me and that is the Labour leadership's nightmare.”

Unquestionably, Galloway is a throwback to old Labour, a dinosaur of the hard-left. He maybe as unpopular in New Labour as the British entry in the Eurovision Song contest but even his sternest critics would not be so premature to write his political epitaph. Says Galloway "I have always taken my cue in the way I approach my life from the French Revolutionary, Georges Danton, whose motto was 'audacity, again audacity, always audacity'.”


The End

Pride and Prejudice

It's a warm summer's evening on the common. The time is nearing 10.00pm. The park and the surrounding area is quiet and serene; apart from a small patch - situated close to a disused public lavatory - where young to middle-age gay men furtively eye each other. Using hand signals and appropriate body language, each recognises want the other desires - physical intimacy or voyeuristic pleasure. Few words are ever spoken.

Many of the men cruising this unassuming spot on Clapham Common, south London, come from a society and culture which regards homosexuality as a “disease” of white middle class men; the Afro-Caribbean community.

A regular visitor to the weekly nocturnal gathering in the park is Andy. Intelligent, handsome, black and queer, Andy knows first-hand the prejudices towards gays that are still prevalent within the black community.

Andy said: "My parents would never understand or accept me if I told them that I was gay. My father is a traditional church-going Jamaican, and I know he would never speak to me again if I told him about my sexuality."


Andy, 36, confessed that in his early twenties he thought seriously of committing suicide because of the fear of coming out to his family. "Being gay was a major part in why I nearly took my life. Looking back now it was silly. But at the time there was no one I could confide in or trust," he says.

"The mentality of a Afro-Caribbean family is so narrow-minded," says Andy. "If you are gay, you do not want them to find out. But you can't hide it forever as the most insignificant thing can give you away."

Andy did say that he had told his sister. "She was very understanding and supportive, but she advised me not to tell anyone else in the family," he said.

Unfortunately, the attitude experienced by Andy is not unusual according to the Terrence Higgins Trust, the UK's leading HIV and Aids charity. Late last year they launched a campaign to tackle homophobia within black communities.

Simon Nelson, a development officer who headed the trust’s campaign said: "Homophobia in the wider black community is very common. There is a strong belief that black people can't be gay, but there are as many black men and women who have relationships with people of the same sex as there are in any other race or community."


Nelson highlighted that black gay people frequently feel isolated and unable to talk about their sexuality, and are forced by their fears about acceptance to adopt an outwardly straight lifestyle.

"Most of the men I try and reach are married or have girlfriends. Because of homophobia among black families, these guys would never openly identify with being gay," Nelson said.

Nelson, who is black and gay himself, believes that these men face explicit or more subtle homophobia in all parts of their communities, particular in black churches. He states that the older generations of Caribbeans would take a Victorian attitude towards sexuality, passed down through the inherited social conservatism of the Caribbean.

"The most worrying aspect, is that over a last few years a lot of homophobia in Britain is coming from young black men", says Nelson. "There is black music with homophobic lyrics. And because it isn't challenged they think it gives them the right to be homophobic."

The leading gay rights campaigner, Peter Tatchell has also been concerned about homophobic lyrics in black music. Some of the lyrics have advocated shooting and burning of gay people. He regards this as double standards. Tatchell said: "Imagine the outcry if gay singer Elton John release a record urging the lynching of black people. But when black artists call for the extermination of gays, they get away with it."

He argues that the lyrics may not create homophobic prejudice and violence, but they validate and inflame it. "It gives a green light to bigotry. It makes disordered, maladjusted young straight men feel OK about physically venting their rage against lesbian and gay people," says Tatchell.

He feels that there is a lack of well-known gay black men to come out for fear of being ostracised. This he says, combined with the failure of black leaders to speak out on the subject has given free rein to anti-gay bigotry in many sections of the black community.

Tatchell said: “There are no openly gay black superstars. Not even one world famous black athlete, politician or entertainer is out. That shows the crushing strength of black homophobia."

Darcus Howe, the well renowned media commentator and writer on black issues, is not surprised by the omission of black leaders to speak out against homophobia. Howe points out that black leaders have their hands full fighting racism, without having the added burden of tackling homophobia as well. “They have to battle for black people and gays have to battle for gay people," he said.

The whole premise that homophobia is rampant in the black community is contested by Ted Brown, the chairman of the Black Lesbians and Gays Against Media Homophobia.

"There maybe homophobia among certain sections of the community, although it is not necessarily broad based," he said.

Brown believes that homophobia is no worse than in any other community. He said: “I am sure if you went to predominately white communities up and down the country, the same level of homophobia would exist."

Brown felt that there was a more sinister explanation in why black people have been viewed as reactionaries when it comes to homosexuality. “This label of homophobia is an excuse for organisations not to deal with black communities and thus marginalizing an already disadvantaged community," he says.

A similar view was echoed by Alison Harris, a spokesperson from Stonewall, a pressure group which campaigns for improved rights for lesbian and gay people.

She said: "The whole issue of homophobia within ethnic communities has been exaggerated. There has been no research undertaken to indicate the levels of homophobia within those communities. All the information people receive is anecdotal.

"But if you examine for instance the significant problem of homophobic bullying within secondary schools, it's a problem in schools across the board and in every region of the country and not only in areas of high ethnic density."

Despite this there is one institution which plays a significant role in forming and cementing conservative black opinion; the black church.

The growing influence of black churches can be gaged by the congregations, which have grown continually for the last 30 years. Over half of churchgoers in London are black.

The church's attitude towards homosexuality is uncompromising. They believe it is against the scriptures. Mark Sturge, the general director of the Afro-Caribbean Evangelical Alliance, defended the church's position, he said: “We are not against gay people per se and it is not about colour or ethnicity. Our attitude towards homosexuality is based on biblical perspective."

Sturge denied that there was any virulent homophobia emanating from black pulpits. "Because the black church speaks out against homosexuality does not mean that the church should be harangued as being backward, fundamentalist and unloving. We are not opposed to gay men and women but to their practices," he said.

Their parishioners greet the views espoused by black churches with enthusiasm. But according to Cheik Traore, a health promotion officer, the church's stance has been one of the factors in hindering the progress of HIV and Aids work within the black community.

Traore says that the long-term impact of persistent homophobia has been to stifle sexual health promotion and outreach work within the community, as black men remain afraid to come out.

"If we are going to deal with HIV and Aids then we have to talk realistically about the routes of transmission. In 2004, for example, 71 per cent of people with new HIV infections in Britain were black. The sad thing is no one in the community is talking about it. It's as if black people are in total denial," Traore said.

Andy would concur with the notion that there is a culture of denial gripping Black Britain when it comes to homosexuality. But he is optimistic about the future.

"I believe sooner rather than later, with so many openly gay black men and women that black preachers, politicians, celebrities and others concerned with the general health and well-being of our community will be forced to finally confront this taboo subject," Andy said.

Of his own future in deciding whether to come out to his family, he was more cautious. He said: “I can see a time when I will be out with them, but I don't think it will be an active process, like me going to them and telling them that I'm gay. They will probably hear it or find out in some way if they haven't already. I don't think I will ever feel ready to tell them."